Turkey-Israel: A Fluctuating Alliance (SETA Policy Briefs Book 42)

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But, at the same time, Chinese companies have made concrete moves of a smaller scale. In and there was a sudden rise in Chinese purchases of stakes in port management worldwide, with occasional investment in infrastructure upgrades and rarely a management concession agreement — but mostly financial investment.

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There are also clear signs that more acquisitions in Europe are set to follow in port management. Some plans will necessarily fail. In early , China Communications Construction Group withdrew a bid to build a deep sea port on the Baltic Sea in Lykesil, in Sweden, after 3, people signed a petition raising environmental and security concerns. It sets the goal of becoming an innovative country by , move into the top tier in the ranking of innovative countries by , and attaining global leadership by This ambition has direct implications for the shipbuilding sector.

Future high-tech ships are required to incorporate new information technologies together with a propulsion system emitting less carbon. The Chinese shipbuilding industry has long been characterised by low added value, a weak independent design capability, and a lack of synergy. In the main it has built unsophisticated vessels like oil tankers, cargo and bulk carriers and, more recently, container ships, categories which are very exposed to the fluctuations of the world economy. In , high-value LNG vessels and marine engineering platforms represented only about 7 percent of all the profits made by the Chinese shipbuilding industry.

This advantage helped revive the shipbuilding sector in Europe. China, like Europe, is also embarking on the development of new technologies for offshore oil and gas exploitation as well as renewable and clean energies. At the eighteenth party congress, the Central Committee set out a blueprint for the strategic transformation of the shipbuilding industry. Today, Europe dominates the global market. In June , 74 luxury cruise ships were ordered to be built in 19 shipyards across the world, including 27 orders with Fincantieri in six shipyards , 19 orders with Meyer Werft in two shipyards, and seven with STX France.

More importantly, the move will end up helping to create a Chinese competitor and ultimately give the coup de grace to the European cruise ship industry, whose best growth prospect is, in fact, the Chinese domestic market. Fincantieri was forced into this association by its main customer — Carnival, the US owner of Costa cruise — striking a deal with China to extend its operations in mainland China provided that it builds its new cruise ships in China.

Scheduled for delivery in , a deck, 2,passenger capacity Chinese-built ferry will connect the Finnish port of Turku to Stockholm in Sweden. In this context, the temporary nationalisation of STX France by the French government in is one of the first examples of European resistance to technology transfers that undermine long-term competitiveness. The World Class is characterised by liquefied gas propulsion that ensures no carbon emission.

On the European market, there will still be space to favour European domestic shipbuilders through regulatory measures, linked, for example, to environmental standards. With its unprecedented quantitative and qualitative naval build-up, China has made remarkable technological progress that now allows its products to compete in parts of the military sector which European shipbuilders previously dominated.

While Chinese naval exports of minor craft to sub-Saharan countries date from the cold war years, its recent success in selling two offshore patrol vessels to Nigeria was made at the expense of more traditional German, British, or French suppliers to that country. But it is also a fact that European exporters can count less and less on their quality advantage, even in Latin America, which has weaker ties with China. Another effect of China becoming a competitor for the export of advanced systems is the need for European producers to move up the ladder of technology transfers to satisfy customers — a recent example is the French transfer of nuclear attack submarine technology to Brazil, but without the nuclear reactor.

With global demand for energy rising, the development of offshore oil and gas and the demand for offshore oil and gas platforms has increased significantly. At the eighteenth party congress, the Central Committee set out its plans for the development of the marine energy sector through oil and gas exploration, marine wind power generation, and ocean wave power generation.

And its international influence keeps rising. The shipbuilding industry designs and builds offshore oil and gas platforms for shallow and deep water metres in length , production storage vessels FPSO displacing 50, to , tons, and deep semi-submersible drilling platforms , metres. From a global perspective, the competitiveness of the domestic offshore industry is still weak. The cost of the imported equipment is much higher than that of the Chinese-made hull on which it is installed.

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The latter represents only 20 percent of the price tag of a large FPSO or a large semi-submersible platform valued at several hundred million US dollars. Industry research institutes have undertaken national research projects and have been supplying equipment for land-based oil fields for many years. Home-produced equipment for the offshore industry will be available once technical obstacles are overcome. The shipbuilding industry has made significant progress in the field of unmanned submersibles, manned submersibles, and multipurpose project ships.

To reduce duplication, Chinese commentators call for the shipbuilding industry to open its research facilities up to the offshore industry, especially its specialised laboratories for testing marine equipment reliability testing laboratories, special meteorology laboratories, electromagnetic compatibility testing rooms, marine anti-corrosion anti-fouling test sites. Marine renewable energy is key for raising the percentage of clean energy and constructing a low-carbon system.

Offshore marine energies, especially wind farming, have the potential to minimise the land use requirements of the power sector and reduce greenhouse gas emissions. As of , all the biggest offshore wind farms are in northern Europe. Beijing has identified using marine wind energy and speeding up the development of offshore wind power as a means to solve the energy shortage in the coastal areas. Tidal current energy, temperature difference energy, and wave energy are also valuable new avenues both for Europe and China.

Near-shore reserves of temperature difference energy are huge in the South China Sea where there is a strong incentive to develop the technology. In order for its shipbuilding, offshore, and energy sectors to survive, Europe must find ways to preserve its niches of expertise through innovation and technological advantage. Many official documents make clear that while the current phase is to catch up to reach the level of advanced countries, the next phase is about global leadership.

While developing the Made in China plan for high-tech ships, the SOA emphasises the technologies that will support the exploration and the exploitation of maritime resources, with a particular focus on deep sea resources — the new frontier of the global marine economy. The SOA emphasises the importance of developing deep water space stations and large floating structures.

China is engaged in a comprehensive effort to support the exploration of maritime resources, particularly in the case of deep sea resources, to which the SOA gives special political attention and constant emphasis. China has invested in shipbuilding to carry out this ambitious plan, and is building the first deep sea mining vessel. The existence of mineral deposits in the deepest parts of the ocean has been known of since the mid-nineteenth century.

The volcanically formed hydrothermal sulphides on the seabed contain copper, zinc, and precious metals including gold and silver. Since , Beijing has applied to establish for four mineral resources exploration zones in the international seabed area. Under the arrangements, 15 years after the signature of the contract, China will abandon 75 percent of the area and keep 25, square kilometres as a field with preferential developmental rights. Similarly, fifteen years after the signature of the contract China will abandon at least two-thirds of the area and eventually keep the exploration rights of 1, square kilometres.

In July , China Min Metals Corporation achieved an exclusive exploration development rights of the polymetallic nodule resources in the Clarion-Clipperton zone. Contracts have also gone to a growing cohort of private entities sponsored by both developed and developing states.

However, a dispute with the government delayed production. It is not yet known whether undersea excavation of mineral deposits will be either profitable or unprofitable. China is certainly taking a huge technological risk. Whatever the outcome, China is demonstrating a new ability to take the lead in a technologically intensive field to secure more resources for its future growth. This adjustment is still ongoing.

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Those objectives are still in line with offshore defence but now envisage new activity taking place in waters further from China itself. Since , China has completed 50 major surface combatants including one carrier, 22 destroyers — including 20 fitted with long-range air defence missiles — and 29 missile frigates — including 27 fitted with the medium- to long-range air defence missiles see table showing commissioning of surface combatants and submarines in the PLA Navy, In and for the first time, China demonstrated its ability to conduct multiple deployments worldwide with four task groups active at the same time.

Also, the social conditions of Arab societies, plagued as they were by tribalism, sectarianism and ignorance, make it imperative to prioritize social transformation and social justice rather than formal democracy CAUS, 81—3. Another intellectual speaking in the same debate George Corm argued that the admiration for democracy in Arab opinion clashes with the antipathy to all things Western and the attachment to values hostile to the individualism that is central to Western democratic norms CAUS, A number of intellectuals engaged in that debate accepted that the call for democracy has arisen in Arab thought and practice, not for its intrinsic qualities, but as a tool to achieve independence and development CAUS, Similar ideas were repeated in other writings and debates during the years that followed.

It is to be noted that discussions of democracy by Arab intellectuals, including that in the much celebrated Arab Human Development Report , rely heavily on Western concepts and sources in their definitions and explications Al-Naqib, ; CAUS, ; Ayubi, ; Sadiki, Often there are differences between those who adopt radical leftist views and those who would like to follow the more traditional liberal line, even though the recent shift referred to above points to a convergence between the two positions.

This has led to a criticism that this convergence is another problematic adoption of democracy as an ideology of salvation that is espoused equally irrationally Tarabishi, Like many other Arab intellectuals, Tarabishi adopts the Culture Talk stance, arguing that the problem is a social-intellectual, rather than a political, one. Others were even more scathing, accusing intellectuals of becoming too pro-Western and alienated from the masses, or concerned merely with their individual interests.


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These criticisms notwithstanding, a number of the intellectuals participating in those debates were already officials or sympathizers of regimes that were undemocratic. Many more went on to become ministers in cabinets that could not be described as democratic except by an extreme stretch of the imagination and terminology. This probably provides the key understanding as to the nature of the democratic crisis in the Arab world.

From the beginning, the concern in Arab and Muslim circles has not been with democracy as an intrinsic value, but as a means to something else. It was the same with the revolutionaries of the post-war era.

For that early generation and their latter day — more radical — successors, some key objectives were too important to be left at the mercy of democratic process. Both groups did not concentrate on empowering the people as an urgent necessity, for the priority was to empower communities or states. Only later does commitment to democracy evolve and solidify, receiving an unequivocal and enduring commitment from main actors.

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However, the problem in the Arab world is that rival political groups continue to entertain the view that many things are too important to entrust to the vagaries of a democratic process and the whims of the populace. The debate on governance in the Arab world on the threshold of modernity became entangled from early on with the debate on what form of government is required by Islam.

In its early form, the debate centred on the caliphate and whether it could be saved or restored El-Affendi, 81— Additionally, this debate was also influenced by developments such as the Constitutional Revolution of —6 in Iran, the first experiment of its kind in the Muslim world. Many of the proponents of these models were reluctant to describe them as democratic.